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991.
图像修复是指对图像破损区域进行填充或者将图像中多余物体进行移除。在Criminisi算法的基础上进行改进,在待修复块优先权的计算过程中,由于等照度线的曲率可以反映图像的局部特征,块与块之间的方差值可以反映图像的边缘信息,因此,将二者考虑进来,确保修复过程能够准确有序地进行。在寻找最佳匹配块时,将等照度线的曲率也作为一个因素增加进来,有效地提高了最佳匹配块搜索的精确性。经过仿真实验证明,改进后的算法不仅在PSNR值上比原算法有所提高,而且修复结果也比原算法更加准确可靠。 相似文献
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对战术导弹的制导控制系统的设计阶段和特点进行了分析研究,对设计流程及所用到的方法进行了研究,在研究的基础上提出了制导控制系统一体化设计仿真分析平台的思路,该平台可用于常规导弹制导控制系统的一体化设计,包括导弹的控制系统设计分析、制导律设计、制导控制系统的数学建模与仿真、半实物仿真分析以及系统性能评估等,具有可扩展性,为战术导弹制导控制系统研究提供模块化手段,加速战术导弹的研制进度。 相似文献
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Linnéa Gelot 《Contemporary Security Policy》2017,38(1):161-173
This article explores how the protection of civilians is being militarized by African policymakers and diplomats. I draw on practice approaches to analyze what social groups are doing when they claim to “protect civilians.” I show how innovative protection mechanisms can be seen as a function of officials and diplomats coping with the changing circumstances of increasingly militarized politics in Africa. Specifically, accountability mechanisms for unintended and intended civilian harm by African security operations have originated in connection with this development. I argue that these are results of anchoring practices, which means that everyday informal interactions in one context become linked to another context. I argue that these emerging accountability mechanisms represent a new combination of practices, with the potential of changing the routine activities and mutual learning between policymakers and diplomats. 相似文献
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With much fanfare, NATO declared its rapid reaction force—the NATO Response Force (NRF)—an Initial Operational Capability in 2004. This article addresses four questions: Where did the NRF come from? What does it look like in 2017? What have been the major obstacles for the NRF fulfilling its promises? And where is the NRF likely to go? The article holds two main arguments. First, due to inadequate fill-rates and disagreements as to the force’s operational role, the NRF was for many years a “qualified failure.” The force failed to become the operational tool envisioned by the allies in 2002. While not without effect, it fell hostage to the harsh reality of the expeditionary wars of Iraq and Afghanistan. Second, the NRF is off to a fresh beginning and will likely be considered at least a partial success by the allies in the years to come. 相似文献
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Godfrey Maringira 《African Security Review》2017,26(1):77-86
This paper examines the ways in which the military infringes on the social and political rights of soldiers who joined the Zimbabwe National Army in post-independence Zimbabwe. Contrary to the scholarly and policy debates that present Zimbabwean soldiers as the silent prop behind President Robert Mugabe and the perpetrators of political violence, this paper argues that these soldiers have also been victimised in army barracks. The victimhood of soldiers has been explicit in the ways in which they are forced to execute their duties beyond their professional expectations. In substantiating this argument, the paper explores the unethical military training and the ways in which soldiers are disciplined and punished through Chapter 11:02 of the draconian Defence Act. The paper’s contribution stems from a ‘rights’ perspective that emphasises the right to freedom, justice and protection, which is usually quite silent in the military. But the question is how can soldiers’ concerns be translated into new practices without compromising so-called ‘state security’? 相似文献
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The empirical international conflict literature has given much recent attention to interstate armed force’s impact on human well-being. While empirical research has advanced our understanding of the phenomenon considerably, we argue that one conclusion that many studies have reached is preliminary. Some recent research contends that only full-scale war, and not force short of war, has a discernable impact on human welfare or physical quality of life (PQOL). We develop theory on one type of force short of war, large-scale foreign military intervention (FMI), and its potential effects on PQOL. Using interrupted time series and panel corrected standard error methodologies, we find that from 1960 to 2005 large-scale FMI had a statistically and substantively significant impact on the PQOL of populations in 106 developing countries. The specific effect that this type of armed force has depended in large part on the regime type of the target country. 相似文献
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